• Tue. Oct 20th, 2020

Why Consensus?

ByAdiantku

May 12, 2020

Disability is a term widely used for the social condition recognised as resulting from any type of physical or mental impairment mainly identified through medical procedures. Leftward moving students agreed on what practical stands to take in all the battles with the right-leaning students in 1965-66 and 1966-67, but they also had somewhat different politics. Stan Gray and others who formed the Student Action Committee in February 1965 to defend Lenihan’s walkout and to uphold the right of students to engage in political demonstrations without administration or Council permission, were distinguished by already being either Marxists or socialists, although most also saw themselves as part of the emergent Canadian and American new left. Their voice was overshadowed by those of the second and third left groups from January 1966 through to mid Fall 1967 when they would begin to regain some prominence. From 1968 on, this first group would be made up of individuals who at least occasionally participated as individuals in off-campus francophone Quebec labour, student and even pro-independence (and left socialist) groups and brought those politics in modified form to the campus. Victor Rabinovitch is representative of the second group, a liberal-left group within the student council ‘civil service’ who drew upon the ideas developed by delegations at the annual congresses of both CUS and UGEQ and stressed the need to channel liberal-left politics through CUS and especially UGEQ and through the local elected student councils who constituted those national student organizations. Their influence was most marked behind the scenes in the Scholzberg Council in Fall 1965 and again in forming and leading the SDU to fight for the reinstatement of Daily editor Gage in Fall 1966. Mark Wilson, John Fekete and David Ticoll are representative of a third group, also operating within that civil service, influenced by Donald Kingsbury’s ideas, who put less stress on mass mobilization and being left or right, and more on doing research to come up with the scientifically most sound policy proposals to present to tripartite committees of students, administrators and faculty. Their influence was continuous from summer 1965 through to March 1968. In Fall 1968 and early 1969, the most left students from all three groups came together in a series of civil disobedience actions on the fundamental issues of student power and McGill’s role in the new Quebec. Those actions resulted in isolation from the large majority of students, especially after the Sir George Williams computer burning incident in February 1969. These three subgroups overlap and over time converged. They were not competing factions, certainly not in this period. It is more accurate to say these were three tendencies, which most individuals drew upon to varying degrees to constitute their personal political awareness.

Although the constitution makers expected the Chancellor to be the head of government, they included emergency provisions that would ultimately undermine the Republic. Gustav Stresemann was briefly Chancellor in 1923 and for six years foreign minister and close advisor to Chancellors. The constitution gave emergency powers to the directly elected President and made him the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. In times of crisis, these presidential powers would prove decisive. During the stable periods, Weimar Chancellors formed legislative majorities based on coalitions primarily of the Social Democrats, the Democratic Party, and the Catholic Center Party, all moderate parties that supported the Republic. However, as the economic situation deteriorated in 1930, and many disillusioned voters turned to extremist parties, the Republic’s supporters could no longer command a majority. German democracy could no longer function as its creators had hoped. Ironically by 1932, Adolf Hitler, a dedicated foe of the Weimar Republic, was the only political leader capable of commanding a legislative majority. On January 30, 1933, an aged President von Hindenburg reluctantly named Hitler Chancellor of the Republic. Using his legislative majority and the support of Hindenburg’s emergency presidential powers, Hitler proceeded to destroy the Weimar Republic. AMY GOODMAN: The government shutdown comes as Republicans and Democrats face a nearing deadline to increase the nation’s borrowing limit or risk a default on US debts. Republicans had previously threatened to tie their bid for an Obamacare repeal to the debt ceiling vote. Despite the government shutdown, a key initiative of Obamacare begins today. Individuals seeking health insurance under the new program can now enroll online through marketplaces. As a libertarian minarchist, I recognize that some people are just such bad bastards that ‘in order to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men.’ Where I draw the line is, as do most people who are real libertarians, is the initiation of force. Once force is initiated, whether one-on-one, by proxy, or by threat, force is an appropriate response. Though North Korea identifies itself as the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, this is truly the clearest example of a totalitarian dictatorship in the modern world. Kim Jong-un rules with singular and unchallenged authority, commanding over his public without political opposition. With absolute control over the state-run media, an enormous military apparatus at his disposal, and an endless cycle of propaganda and misinformation helping to sustain his power, Kim Jong-un rules his state in a vacuum from world affairs. Criticism of the supreme leader or protest of his policies is a crime punishable by death, as are countless other crimes for which due process is not required. North Korea’s propensity toward human rights violations is said to be unparalleled in the modern world.

Stephen Schecter and four other students (Marty Friedman, David Ticoll, Morris Goldberg and Aaron Rynd) presented a thoroughly researched and incisive report on UGEQ to the Scholzberg Council in Fall 1965. It is still worth reading in full today to grasp the nuances of UGEQ’s initial politics and the various internal organizational and ideological tensions that would play themselves out in the next several years. They stressed that, while some francophone students indulged an ethnocentric nationalism, UGEQ did not. A universalistic student syndicalism was its overriding political philosophy. UGEQ began with a committee to prepare for a founding congress in March 1963 out of a need to bring together Quebec students from all types of post-secondary schools. It is apparent that UGEQ did not arise primarily in opposition to CUS… but out of a need in Quebec society”. In other words, UGEQ was not anti English Canadian but pro the achievement of a new Quebec (651018p3?). In addition to the variable timing and speed of the transition, the contents of economic reforms have also been very different, leading to varieties of capitalism in the Yugoslav successor states. The types of economic systems that have emerged and developed during the past twenty-five years have clearly been country-specific, to a large extent determined by the political orientation and priorities of the main political parties in power. As the governing political coalitions have been subject to frequent changes (at least in most countries), their political and economic programmes have also changed accordingly. However, as noted by Bartlett (2007), the forms of capitalism that have developed in the Yugoslav successor states do not fall neatly into the boxes of the varieties of capitalism literature. The Western Balkan countries have relied heavily on international donors’ assistance which has very often come on highly conditional terms, involving the transplantation of policies and institutional solutions from a variety of sources, thus resulting in uncoordinated policy advice, or a rather exotic mixture of economic and social reforms”, so the institutional configurations that have emerged have often been neither complementary nor compatible (Bartlett, 2007, p. 3). Bernard Konrad ÅšwierczyÅ„ski – alias ‘Aniela’, ‘Kondek’. Born 20th August 1922. Since a young boy, he was inspired by his father’s involvement in anarchist movement. During occupation provided help to hidden Jews, organized hideouts and escapes from the Warsaw ghetto. Many times sneaked into the Warsaw ghetto carrying food, medicines and letters for people inside. During Warsaw Uprising soldier of Syndicalist Brigade. Never a member of any party. After WWII awarded the title ‘Righteous Among the Nations’. Journalist of cooperative movement press. Member of Polish Journalists Association. Died 31st October 2002 in Warsaw.